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The
practice of activities of a humanitarian nature is a very ancient
phenomenon in the world. Driven by various motives, it has taken on
different forms and functions throughout the Chinese, Greek, Indian
and Persian civilizations of the Ancient World.
The existence of non-governmental organizations
and charismatic personalities can be traced throughout the ancient
history of the East. In the Christian tradition, numerous sects
succeeded in creating a space for themselves that was both engaging
and independent from that controlled by governments. The creation of
this space, in turn, played a substantial role in the spread of
knowledge, as well as earthly and religious culture; like those of
the Nestorians and Jacobeans. In fact, one might claim that in
preserving an important distance from political authorities, the
Eastern Church laid the cornerstones for public traditions. Using
this space also enabled some religious movements to provide social
protection against government or foreign occupation. These movements
either expressed the interests of the masses and/or appeased the
anger of the crowds by performing important functions that the
government was failing to fulfil.
During Pre-Islamic times, Sa’sa ben Naji ben Akl,
the grandfather of the renowned poet Al-Akhtal (whom Moncef Marzouki
singled out as the godfather of the Arab Human Rights movement) was
never satisfied with the mere condemnation of the killing of
children and the live burial of newborn girls.(1) On the contrary,
and in the absence of any law against such tragic tribal traditions,
he went as far as paying a ransom for each newborn girl so that he
may save her from these burials, often driven by the poverty of her
family. These ransoms were paid by Sa'sa to save the newborn girls
regardless of any considerations such as tribal background or
blood-ties. Many Arab personalities followed in his footsteps, only
to be called ‘the revivers of the buried newborn girls’. In honor of
his forefather, the poet Al-Farazdaq was quoted to have said:
"My grandfather is the one who prohibited
burying female
newborns and revived the buried from their
death."
One of the earliest patterns of humanitarian
attitude to emerge was displayed towards orphans. In pre-Islamic
times, Arabs had orphanages that took in children who had lost their
fathers, either through natural deaths or deaths caused by wars.
Heads and masters used to supervise the orphans and care for them,
using the alimony that was collected from the wealthy, contributions
made by tribes or gains made from the enemy in times of war. Today,
the Ghatfan orphanage is often cited as one of the most famous
humanitarian homes for orphans of that period. (2)
At the end of the sixth century, the Alliance of
Al-Fudhul was founded. It became one of the earliest forms of joint
liability alliance to defend the interests of individuals
marginalized by their societies. Based on Historic accounts, a
Yemeni from Zubaid delivered goods for a man of Al-Sahem from Mecca,
who in turn refused to pay him back. As a result, the Yemeni climbed
the mountain of Abu Qais and appealed to Mecca’s virtuous
personalities for assistance. Hearing his claim and taking note of
the justice of his demands, they soon after committed the merchant
of Mecca to compensate the Yemeni for the price of his goods. Ben
al-Hareth al-Jarhami, Ben Wada’ah al-Qatouri and Ben Fadalah al-Jarhami,
were the first individuals to take this case to the alliance. It was
not long after this incident in which the alliance reiterated the
duty to respect the rules of commerce, that oppression of any sort
was to be abolished in Mecca.
The 3 individuals mentioned above soon embarked
on expanding the alliance, and membership was made open to the whole
population of Mecca. A treaty was signed at the home of the eldest
Abdullah ben Jad’an (who was also renown for his honesty), in the
presence of individuals such as Beni Hashim, Beni al-Mutaleb, Beni
Assad ben Abdullah al-Azza, Zahra ben Kilab and Taim ben Murrah. As
Iben al-Atheer in relation to this event states, all agreed: “to
support any oppressed resident in Mecca against the oppressor until
justice was done”. Quraish called this alliance ‘Al-Fudhul’. Prophet
Mohamed witnessed this agreement and was later quoted to have said:
“I witnessed with my uncles at Jad’an home an alliance, which if I
would have been called for in Islam I would have responded.” (3)
The Holy Koran itself advocates works of a
humanitarian and beneficiary character, and contains multiple
references to them throughout its verses:
"There is no good in most of their secret talks
save (in) him who orders Sadaqah (charity), or Ma'rűf (all the good
and righteous deeds which Allâh has ordained), or conciliation
between mankind, and he who does this, seeking the good Pleasure of
Allâh, We shall give him a great reward. (An-Nisâ': 114)
“By no
means shall you attain Al-Birr (piety, righteousness, etc, unless
you spend of that which you love”. (Al-‘Imran: 92)."
“And those who,
before them, had homes (in Al-Madinah) and had adopted the Faith,
love those who emigrate to them, and have no jealousy in their
breasts for that which they have been given (from the booty of Banî
An-Nadîr), and give them (emigrants) preference over themselves,
even though they were in need of that.” (Al-Hashr:9).
“Who is he that will lend to Allâh a goodly loan
so that He may multiply it to him many times? And it is Allâh that
decreases or increases (your provisions), and unto Him you shall
return”. (Al-Baqarah: 245).*
Also,
according to one famous Hadith, Prophet Mohammed was quoted to have
said:
‘Do the
favor for whoever deserves it or not, if it is directed for the
proper person, then he deserves it, if not, then you deserve it’.
Islam
concentrated on a central idea that is: ‘the good deeds and
charities have a self-benefit and a benefit for the other people’.
Interesting to note is the fact that this attitude corresponds to
similar approaches advocated in Taoism in China. In this regard, the
Koran states the following:
“Whosever
does a righteous good deed it is for (the benefit of) his own self
and whosever does evil, it is against his own self”. (Fussilat: 46).
Also, “And whatever you spend in good, it is for yourselves”. (Al-Baqarah:
272).*
Abu Talha
al-Ansari was the first Muslim to donate the best of his properties
in the form of an endowment. It was a well named Birja.(4).
Prophet Mohamed also endowed seven groves which he bequeathed from
some warriors. Al-Ansari said: “I know that all the capable
companions of the prophet, the immigrants and the supporters (ansaar),
reserved endowments for charities that cannot be sold, bequeathed or
given”.(5) If we compare this sentence with the definition of the
word ‘Foundation’ that appears in the last edition of the universal
encyclopedia for human rights, we find that the central concept
governing the establishment of a foundation appears to have
originated in the first years of Islam.
With
the emergence of newly established cities and the increase in the
human and cultural areas that fell under the direct control of the
Arab-Islamic Empire, many new developed humanitarian forms and
patterns emerged. Some of these forms were of personal nature or
had local and/or global ambitions. During the 1st and 2nd centuries
of Islam, the school of Hassan al-Basri (642-728/110-196 A.H.),
became one of the most prominent phenomena, to seek real
independence from both the influence of political authority, and
political-religious oppositions. Thus, it could be argued that it
expressed the characteristics of what we presently term as a
‘Counter-pouvoir’. Al-Basri refused to be a mortgaged judge employed
to serve the political authority. On the contrary, he insisted on
his right to act as the criticizing bell, sounding off the concerns
of those whose voices could not be heard. He particularly dedicated
himself to eradicating violence and sedition. When people asked him
about sedition and fighting, he cautioned them not to "be on either
side.” Asked in return: “What about Emir al-Mu’menin?" he was quoted
to have said: “Not even with the Emir.” (6) We also find other
personalities, who were followers of the same school of al-Basri,
such as Ayoub al-Sakhiati, Furqod al-Sabkhi, Malek ben Dinar,
Mohamed Ben Wase’ and others. This trend defended the rights of
scientists, scholars and jurists to be fully independent from the
Authorities, in addition to having a moral charismatic Authority
figure to defend the society from the governor’s radicalism.
Since the
1st century of Hijra, voluntary groups emerged advocating numerous
political, social, and cultural claims (rights?). These
groups included the assemblies of literature, science and religion
that were led by a prominent scientist or well established
personality, such as for example, the assembly of Sakina Bent
al-Husain. During the Abbasid, other groups emerged and spread
widely such as the beneficiary endowments for health, education and
sustenance.
At the
end of the 1st century A.H. (7th century A.D.), a new tradition
emerged that gathered people of the same profession in a specific
market. Later, throughout the century, the new professional
relations succeeded in gaining the recognition of the judge and
obtaining a legal status for organization and accountability.
Varying from one epoch in history to another, the caliphate either
approved the elected head of professionals or imposed one head of
its personnel. In general, the groups of professionals organized
forms of solidarity, which preserved their professions within
acceptable margins, in addition to creating uniform prices across
the industry and protecting its professionals through peaceful
means. This phenomenon spread widely in Palestine, Syria, Iraq,
Egypt, Persia, Morocco, Andalusia and mid Asia, but retreated after
the fall of Baghdad and the political troubles that followed.
In his
book “From the Wonders of Our Civilizations,” Dr. Mustafa al-Siba’I
noted that the beneficiary and humanitarian societies could be
classified in two broad types: “One governmental type: Which
included large endowments, and a second type established by
individuals like, Emirs, leaders, rich personalities and prominent
women”.(7)
The most
important beneficiary (benefactor?) organizations were
foremost concerned with building Mosques, followed by schools and
hospitals. In addition, these organizations built inns and hostels
for passengers, and shelters ‘Tekyas’ to house homeless people and
those who preferred solitude. Other forms of charitable works
included the creation of water springs in public places and long
roads, of wells for passengers, the dissemination of plants and
livestock in remote areas, which spread between Baghdad, Damascus
and Medina, and other Islamic cities and capitals. Some social
organizations exerted efforts to maintain roads, archways and
bridges, while others donated lands for public cemeteries and
contributed coffins, thus enabling the poor people to bury their
dead.
Other
organizations focused on supporting foundlings, orphans, disabled,
aged and blind people through a range of provisions including
shelter, food, clothes, education and general assistance.
Public
restaurants also distributed food for those in need. This phenomenon
persisted well into the 20th century. It was witnessed in Damascus,
like ‘Tekyah of Sultan Saleem’ and ‘Sheik Muhie al-Deen’ and it
spread to all the lands controlled by Mecca. Nowadays, the old
tradition of ‘Mawa’id Al-Rahman’ is still followed during the month
of Ramadan in Egypt and many other Islamic countries. There are
multiple examples of humanitarian based activities, still evident in
India and Persia, which offer complimentary meals for individuals in
need.
In addition, other
beneficiary organizations were specialized in facilitating marriages
and affording the expenses or the dowry of the brides. Others
supplied mothers with milk and sugar. In relation to this, it was
said that Salah Al-Deen al-Ayobi ordered one running tube of milk
and a second one of sweetened water to run open for mothers and
children twice a week free of charge.
Many organizations also that took care of
animals, especially those abandoned, sick or old. Today, it is an
established fact that the National playing field of modern Damascus
used to be a green field for the horses and sick animals to graze
upon until they died.
Today, the governments of more than 30 Islamic
countries forbid humanitarian organizations from assisting
prisoners, despite the fact humane treatment of all captives
(including prisoners of war) was a well established principle in
Arab-Islamic History.
One of the principal rights of prisoners,
acknowledged in the Arab-Islamic societies during the 1st century
A.H., was the aid or alimony (Sadakah) of those captured or
imprisoned. Unfortunately, such a tradition retreated, soon to be
forgotten in our modern times. According to Abu Yosef, the author of
‘Al-Kharaj’, and many other historians, the first individual to
recognize alimony for prisoners, was Imam Ali Ben Abu Taleb in
Baghdad. Mua’wiah Ben Abu Sufian allowed the same practice in
Damascus and was soon followed by many other Caliphs. This principle
was advocated in the Koran, which contains verses that urge the
feeding of the poor, the orphan and the captives. Arabs used the
word ‘captive’ to refer to any imprisoned person to be locked in a
cell. The linguist, Mujahed, used the term: ‘the captive prisoner’.
Referring to the rationale that guides the provision of alimony to
prisoners, Al-Tha’labi was quoted to have said: “Although captivity
is not a deformity, it turns the captive into a wounded and bitten
creature”. Many wise men mentioned that ‘there should be no extra
punishment over the punishment" and that "to commit a mistake of
forgiveness is far better than the mistake of punishment". This
concurs with basic regulations for the treatment of prisoners,
approved by the United Nations, which considers imprisonment as
sufficient punishment in itself, and does not allow for further
harming.
The Caliph Ameur ben Abed al-Azeez preserved the
prisoners aid that covered their food and needs by appointing a
person from outside the prison authority to supervise the
distribution of this charity. He demanded that a well-known and
honest person be chosen to register the names of the poor prisoners
and to pay them a monthly sum. That person then would call the names
of the prisoners one by one and pay each 10 Derhams per month, in
addition to supplying them with winter and summer clothes.
Naturally, not all the prisoners were in need for such assistance
designed to improve their conditions and rehabilitate them. As a
result, various humanitarian organizations emerged dedicated to
improving the living conditions of prisoners. They ensured prisons
were kept clean, the provision of basic dietary requirements and
education. In addition, they taught them a profession to facilitate
re-establishment into society and enable them to secure an income
after their release.(8)
This rich and varied historical account provides
a solid counter-argument to all those who claim that civil
non-governmental organizations are a foreign phenomenon with no
foundations in Arab and Islamic societies. In particular, it
answers the advocates of ‘Comprehensive theories’, i.e. those who
relate everything to Caliphate, and the dominant Secularist trend,
present in all schools advocating a one party system in which
public organizations are to serve only the purposes identified by
the party and thus through strictly controlled measures.
With the
advent of the renaissance period in the 19th century, the phenomenon
of non-governmental organizations re-emerged in the Arab world. New
charitable and religious organizations were re-established in Egypt
and Lebanon in the first half of the 19th century. In the second
half of the last century, the organizations seeking an educational
enlightenment role began to exist, openly or secretly in Syria,
Palestine, Tunisia and Iraq. Abdallah al-Nadim (1845-1896) was the
first to defend the need for civil society and its independent
expressions in the Arab world. He was also the first Arab
personality to prioritize the work of NGOs, over other forms of
political or party activity. In addition, he considered the street
and village to be the first school for reformation and revival. On
the other hand, Al-Nadim favored viewing ‘politics’ as an art, as
defined by the noble Greek meaning of the word, instead of what he
called: ‘The administrative practical politics’.(9) Consequently, he
disseminated his thoughts in Egypt and during his exile, in Yafa,
and advocated them through, the magazine “Al-Ustath”, an important
resource of knowledge during this period.
Farah
Anton inaugurated the 20th century by translating the Declaration of
Human and Citizen Rights into the Arabic language and demanding that
it be taught in schools.(10) Although the new democratic ideas,
mainly among the supporters of "constitutionalism" in Egypt, Turkey,
Iraq, Syria and Lebanon acknowledged and advocated the natural
rights of humans, the subject of Human Rights remained confined to
the sphere of enlightened writers, and did not become a general
social or cultural trend. A number of charismatic personalities such
as, Jamal al-Deen al-Afghani, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakebi and Mohamed
Husain al-Najafi al-Na’ini played an important role in consolidating
the idea of Shurah (consultative council) and the principle of
participation between the governor and the governed in organizing
public affairs.
During
this time, independent organizations continued to grow in Arab
countries. While the British authorities in Egypt accepted early on
the idea that people have a right to their own professional,
cultural and artistic organizations, Ottoman law did not recognize
such a right until the 24th of April 1912. This law in turn
organized the activities of the various associations, and continued
to operate during the French mandate in Syria and Lebanon and the
British mandate in Palestine and east of Jordan. The first article
of the law annulled all the old associations and acknowledged the
right of each professional group to establish its own independent
association. The Tunisian Constitution in 1861, although not long
lasting, also affirmed the principle that civil society ought to
enjoy freedom to form independent organizations. The same occurred
later in the Ottoman constitution of 1876, the Iranian constitution
in 1906 and the Moroccan constitution in October 1908, all of which
were written by enlightened individuals.
Many
individuals and well established personalities who have defended
Human Rights, raised this issue in the Arab world, including Mohamed
Mandour, Mahmoud Azmi and Riad Shams al-Deen in Egypt; Edmon Rabat,
Sami Kayali and Najat Kassab Hassan in Syria; Charles Malik, Raif
Khouri and Saleem Khyatah in Lebanon; Ali al-Wardi in Iraq.(11)
Contrary
to logic, with the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights in 1948, the Arab world during the same year witnessed the
unfolding of a catastrophe or Al Nakbah with the establishment of
Israel. The events in the region increased doubts in Arabic public
opinion about the functions and efficiency of the United Nations and
its related organizations. While the world embarked on a path to
rediscover the importance of Human Rights, not one Arab organization
was established until the beginnings of the Sixties. In 1949, Raif
Khouri called upon the Lebanese intellectuals to establish an
independent organization of Human Rights, with a constitution that
incorporated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but to no
avail (12). In fact, it was not until 1962 that we witnessed the
establishment of the first Arab organization for Human Rights.(13)
In fact,
it was not until one century after the first Constitution licensed
the establishment of NGOs, that the first Human Rights NGO emerged
in this part of the Arab world. Indeed, it took one and a half
centuries, after the establishment of the first charitable
association during the recent Arab ages, to view the emergence of an
NGO engaged in the defense of Human Rights. The reason might be due
to historical traditions that charitable associations were
established in a spontaneous fashion, without much attention paid to
legal formalities. Furthermore, traditions of solidarity and charity
prevailed as a necessity to undermine oppression and support the
poor, but also as a moral and religious duty in all Islamic
societies.
The
dominance of authoritarian forms of government greatly affected the
work and functioning of existing donor and humanitarian
organizations, particularly since they neglected the positive
traditions of Arab society and have chosen to ignore the good
principles manifest in Western society and tradition. As a result,
while NGOs were successfully flourishing on the universal level,
civil organizations in the Arab world witnessed a significant
decline in number within a relatively short period of time. Thus,
under the pretense of belonging to political opposition groups or
forbidden parties, even organizations that specialized in teaching
Moslems to memorize the Koran and assisting the handicapped were
soon banned by the state. Cultural and sports clubs and associations
were nationalized. Authoritarian governments in many Arab countries
also formulated exceptional laws to punish any well established
civil gathering and founded ‘semi-formal governmental associations’
to replace them.
The
decline in the legitimacy of the one party system and totalitarian
authority in the region, coupled with the liberation wars or civil
wars that erupted in many Arab and Islamic countries, all required
an assessment of the need for donor and humanitarian organizations.
In the Palestinian case, Palestinian civil organizations in exile
focused on providing support to the Palestinian resistance in the
camps and Palestinian society under the occupation. They played an
important role in preserving the social unity and national
consciousness of the people throughout the period of Israeli
occupation and its inhuman conditions. The unfolding Afghani tragedy
was another event that stimulated the growth of this phenomenon in
the Gulf countries and throughout the Arab peninsula. In fact the
Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was an important catalyst in
improving the standard of living in these countries, due to the
resulting rise in oil prices that was witnessed following the
invasion.
Although
most organizations in the Gulf adopted Islamic characteristics, they
varied from each other. Some were official organizations like:
‘Al-Amer bel-Ma’roof and Nahi an al-Munkar’ in Saudi Arabia, others
were directly affiliated with political Islamic movement, or
ancestral (antecede) "fundamentalist" movement, while others still
were part of what was called in the last two decades the ‘Al-Jihad
movement’.
Without
doubt, Islamic humanitarian organizations benefited a lot from their
interaction with Western or international humanitarian organizations
and played a role in extending their influence to regions, which
thus far had not been affected by the West or were out of their
sphere of influence and/ or interest. Despite the advent of radical
political activism and the fact that it colored the work of an
increasing number of humanitarian based organizations, Islamic
humanitarian organizations soon stood out on the basis of their high
level of credibility and professionalism, which in turn minimized
corruption and the abuse of public funds. Therefore, corruption was
not a serious problem confronting these civil organizations, even
those in control of substantial funds, regardless of their religious
or secular nature. We cannot deny the world problem of international
manipulation, But their good reputation soon resulted in
these organizations becoming an attractive target for political
movements and political systems that could not affect their
policies.(Unclear)
It is
widely accepted that such phenomenon are also found in the West. The
ministries of co-operation and foreign affairs in many countries of
the North have been known to "fabricate" or establish hollow
organizations to serve particular needs or respond to the eruption
of crises. However, since these countries enjoy the presence of
solid and well established civil societies, NGOS are often
successful in managing interferences and interactions from the
government, and can successfully influence the process of
cooperation between them. On the other hand, in many countries of
the South, the fact that most civil society organizations are
structurally weak, means they are often forced to cooperate with an
authoritarian government, which only weakens them further.
In spite of the various weak points that can be found
in many countries of the South, there is no doubt that humanitarian
organizations are viewed by local governments as a threat to their
interests and as a foreign interference. Moreover, they often carry
the Western perspective and priorities of civil based work, as their
agenda is influenced by Western public opinion. A simple example
will illustrate the reason and extent of the difficulties that these
humanitarian organizations can potentially cause:
Civil society based organizations
regularly sought the assistance of Western organizations to expose
Israeli practices in the Palestinian Occupied Territories. However
many Western organizations continue to refuse to engage in work on
Palestinian issues without the recognition by the NGOs approaching
them of Israel's ‘right to security’. Thus, any decision, which
acknowledges the rights of the Palestinian people to
self-determination, must also confirm the recognition of the Israeli
state and its right to secure borders, regardless of whether any
such comparison can be made between a nation without rights and a
government that enjoys too much discretion. Furthermore, it has
become almost tradition that each time a Palestinian is honored for
a distinguished humanitarian job, an Israeli must necessarily be
honored too, even if there were no Israeli individuals deserving of
honoring in that same year. Many Palestinian activists have accepted
these conditions due to their fear of loosing international
assistance or of being deported outside the countries of the
North (?). Today, however due to the existence of stronger Arab
and Islamic organizations, both relations and performance have taken
on a different shape. In fact, the project and feasibility studies
are being now also being formulated in the South. With activists
from developing countries enjoying their own organizations and
increasingly rejecting any relation that tries to impose an agenda
on them, it has become increasingly necessary to think of an
approach that is more universal in character, rather than Western
dominated. This approach would need to reflect cooperation with
organizations from the North based on an equal footing, respect and
necessary compatibility
(?/replaced complimentarity).
Due to the increasing criticism mounted
against humanitarian organizations based in the Islamic world by the
South, there is an urgent need to review and assess the structure,
function and performance of these organizations rather than simply
feeling victimized. The fact that Western organizations have their
own shortcomings does not justify ignoring the internal and external
problems that Southern organizations are also facing, which need to
be neutralized, not indulged by direct conflict.(?)since
they be neutralized nor indulged with direct conflicts and cheap
performance(unclear-?).
Whether
these organizations are considered legitimate actors or not, they
have clearly expanded their direct mission of feeding the hungry,
educating the orphans, or easing the misery inherent in war torn
societies. There is no doubt that they have become one of the
central guardians of social cohesion in many developing countries.
At the same time, they are no longer the property of a single
political party but a public possession of their respective
societies.
As
external pressure is mounting and internal social needs are
increasing, there is no doubt that the central role that many of
these organizations have come to play is of paramount importance.
This makes the establishment of a more efficient communication
network between the intellectual elite, the social initiatives and
legal organizations an all the more essential goal to work towards.
There is also a need to improve the performance of the Southern
organizations through work based on well formulated studies and
sociological surveys that can provide an accurate assessment of
their experience, and would help provide a clearer analysis of the
structural and functional problems that they face. This would also
serve to undermine the various deficiencies that these organizations
are presently suffering from.
Notices:
The
holy Quran, A summarized version of Al-Tabari, Al-Qurtubi and Ibn
Kathir with comments from Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by Dr.
Muhammad Taqi-ud-Din Al-Hilali, Ph.D. Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan.
www.unn.ac.uk/societies/islamic/quran/neindex.htm.
1.Look
at ‘Sa’sa’ article prepared by Dr. Moncef Marzouki, the short
universal encyclopedia, Al-Ahali, Beirut-Damascus, 2000.
2. Haytham
Manna, “Child Rights in the Arab-Islamic Culture”, Riwaq Arabi, No.1
of the English edition, January 1997.
3.
Look at ‘Al-Fudhul of Alliance’ by Dr. Haytham Manna,
the short universal encyclopedia, Al-Ahali, 2000.
4. Dr.
Mustafa Al-Siba’I, “From the Wonders of our Civilization”, 5th
edition, Islamic office, Beirut, 1987, p. 124.
5.
The same source, p. 124-125.
6. Look
at ‘Hassan Al-Basri’, the short universal encyclopedia.
7. Dr.
Mustafa Al-Siba’I, the same source, p. 125. Also, this paragraph has
been referred to in Dr. Shatti book about the medicine in Arab
culture.
8.
Look at the article about ‘L’aumone des Prisonniers’,
the short universal encyclopedia.
9. The
same source, the article of ‘Abdullah Al-Nadim’.
10.
Published in his magazine ‘Al-Jami’a’ in 1901;
republished in Riwaq Arabi No. 4, October 1996, p. 148-151. Also, in
Dr. Haytham Manna “The Early Childhood, the First Labor of Human
Rights in the Arab World”, Al-Jamal publication, Germany, 1999.
11.
Since the introduction of ‘Superman’, Salama Mousa
opened the discussion about the individual role and rights. He
continued that during the Thirties and Forties through ‘The New
Magazine’ and his writings about renaissance. Through ‘Al-Hadith’
magazine, which was published in Aleppo, Edmon Rabat and Sami
Kaylani had a great role to consolidate the democratic thoughts.
Edmond Rabat dedicated himself to the idea of constitutional state
and its necessity in the Arab world. In Morocco, Al-Taher Haddad had
a great role in the advanced reformation trend and in originating
the culture of mature society without the need for the state or
governor’s custody.
12.
Look at Raif Khouri article: ‘The Declaration of
Human Rights issued by the United Nations: its deficiencies,
positive ness and a proposal for the Lebanese intellectuals’. “The
Early Childhood”, p. 75-84.
13.
Look at the introduction of Dr. Haytham Manna: ‘A
historical review of human rights in the Arab world’, “The Self and
Body Safety, the Torture in the Arab World during the 20th Century”,
10.12.1998, The Arab Commission For Human Rights (in French and
Arabic). |